The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (2023)

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The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (3)

The great struggles of the twentieth century between liberty and totalitarianism ended with adecisive victory for the forces of freedom—and a single sustainable model for national success:freedom, democracy, and free enterprise. In the twenty-first century, only nations that share acommitment to protecting basic human rights and guaranteeing political and economicfreedom will be able to unleash the potential of their people and assure their future prosperity.People everywhere want to be able to speak freely; choose who will govern them; worship as theyplease; educate their children—male and female; own property; and enjoy the benefits of theirlabor. These values of freedom are right and true for every person, in every society—and theduty of protecting these values against their enemies is the common calling of freedom-lovingpeople across the globe and across the ages.

Today, the United States enjoys a position of unparalleled military strength and great economicand political influence. In keeping with our heritage and principles, we do not use our strengthto press for unilateral advantage.We seek instead to create a balance of power that favors humanfreedom: conditions in which all nations and all societies can choose for themselves the rewardsand challenges of political and economic liberty. In a world that is safe, people will be able tomake their own lives better.We will defend the peace by fighting terrorists and tyrants.We willpreserve the peace by building good relations among the great powers. We will extend the peaceby encouraging free and open societies on every continent.

Defending our Nation against its enemies is the first and fundamental commitment of theFederal Government. Today, that task has changed dramatically. Enemies in the past neededgreat armies and great industrial capabilities to endanger America. Now, shadowy networks ofindividuals can bring great chaos and suffering to our shores for less than it costs to purchasea single tank. Terrorists are organized to penetrate open societies and to turn the power ofmodern technologies against us.

To defeat this threat we must make use of every tool in our arsenal—military power, betterhomeland defenses, law enforcement, intelligence, and vigorous efforts to cut off terroristfinancing. The war against terrorists of global reach is a global enterprise of uncertain duration.America will help nations that need our assistance in combating terror. And America will holdto account nations that are compromised by terror, including those who harbor terrorists—because the allies of terror are the enemies of civilization. The United States and countriescooperating with us must not allow the terrorists to develop new home bases. Together, we willseek to deny them sanctuary at every turn.

The gravest danger our Nation faces lies at the crossroads of radicalism and technology. Ourenemies have openly declared that they are seeking weapons of mass destruction, and evidenceindicates that they are doing so with determination. The United States will not allow theseefforts to succeed.We will build defenses against ballistic missiles and other means of delivery.We will cooperate with other nations to deny, contain, and curtail our enemies’ efforts to acquiredangerous technologies. And, as a matter of common sense and self-defense, America will actagainst such emerging threats before they are fully formed.We cannot defend America and ourfriends by hoping for the best. So we must be prepared to defeat our enemies’ plans, using thebest intelligence and proceeding with deliberation. History will judge harshly those who saw thiscoming danger but failed to act. In the new world we have entered, the only path to peace andsecurity is the path of action.

As we defend the peace, we will also take advantage of an historic opportunity to preserve thepeace. Today, the international community has the best chance since the rise of the nation-statein the seventeenth century to build a world where great powers compete in peace instead ofcontinually prepare for war. Today, the world’s great powers find ourselves on the same side—united by common dangers of terrorist violence and chaos. The United States will build onthese common interests to promote global security.We are also increasingly united by commonvalues. Russia is in the midst of a hopeful transition, reaching for its democratic future and apartner in the war on terror. Chinese leaders are discovering that economic freedom is the onlysource of national wealth. In time, they will find that social and political freedom is the onlysource of national greatness. America will encourage the advancement of democracy andeconomic openness in both nations, because these are the best foundations for domestic stabilityand international order.We will strongly resist aggression from other great powers—even as wewelcome their peaceful pursuit of prosperity, trade, and cultural advancement.

Finally, the United States will use this moment of opportunity to extend the benefits of freedomacross the globe.We will actively work to bring the hope of democracy, development, freemarkets, and free trade to every corner of the world. The events of September 11, 2001, taughtus that weak states, like Afghanistan, can pose as great a danger to our national interests asstrong states. Poverty does not make poor people into terrorists and murderers. Yet poverty,weak institutions, and corruption can make weak states vulnerable to terrorist networks anddrug cartels within their borders.

The United States will stand beside any nation determined to build a better future by seekingthe rewards of liberty for its people. Free trade and free markets have proven their ability to liftwhole societies out of poverty—so the United States will work with individual nations, entireregions, and the entire global trading community to build a world that trades in freedom andtherefore grows in prosperity. The United States will deliver greater development assistancethrough the New Millennium Challenge Account to nations that govern justly, invest in theirpeople, and encourage economic freedom.We will also continue to lead the world in efforts toreduce the terrible toll of HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases.

In building a balance of power that favors freedom, the United States is guided by the convictionthat all nations have important responsibilities. Nations that enjoy freedom must actively fightterror. Nations that depend on international stability must help prevent the spread of weaponsof mass destruction. Nations that seek international aid must govern themselves wisely, so thataid is well spent. For freedom to thrive, accountability must be expected and required.

We are also guided by the conviction that no nation can build a safer, better world alone.Alliances and multilateral institutions can multiply the strength of freedom-loving nations.The United States is committed to lasting institutions like the United Nations, the World TradeOrganization, the Organization of American States, and NATO as well as other long-standingalliances. Coalitions of the willing can augment these permanent institutions. In all cases,international obligations are to be taken seriously. They are not to be undertaken symbolicallyto rally support for an ideal without furthering its attainment.

Freedom is the non-negotiable demand of human dignity; the birthright of every person—inevery civilization. Throughout history, freedom has been threatened by war and terror; it hasbeen challenged by the clashing wills of powerful states and the evil designs of tyrants; and ithas been tested by widespread poverty and disease. Today, humanity holds in its hands theopportunity to further freedom’s triumph over all these foes. The United States welcomes ourresponsibility to lead in this great mission.

George W. Bush
September 17, 2002

I. Overview of America's International Strategy

"Our Nation's cause has always been larger than our Nation's defense.We fight, as we always fight, for a just peace—a peace that favors liberty.We will defend the peace against the threats from terrorists and tyrants.We will preserve the peace by building good relations among the great powers.And we will extend the peace by encouraging free and open societies on every continent."

President Bush
West Point, New York
June 1, 2002

The United States possesses unprecedented—and unequaled—strength and influence in theworld. Sustained by faith in the principles ofliberty, and the value of a free society, this positioncomes with unparalleled responsibilities, obligations,and opportunity. The great strength of thisnation must be used to promote a balance ofpower that favors freedom.

For most of the twentieth century, the worldwas divided by a great struggle over ideas: destructivetotalitarian visions versus freedom and equality.

That great struggle is over. The militant visionsof class, nation, and race which promised utopiaand delivered misery have been defeated anddiscredited. America is now threatened less byconquering states than we are by failing ones.We are menaced less by fleets and armies than bycatastrophic technologies in the hands of theembittered few.We must defeat these threats toour Nation, allies, and friends.

This is also a time of opportunity for America.We will work to translate this moment of influenceinto decades of peace, prosperity, and liberty.The U.S. national security strategy will be basedon a distinctly American internationalism thatreflects the union of our values and our nationalinterests. The aim of this strategy is to help makethe world not just safer but better. Our goals onthe path to progress are clear: political andeconomic freedom, peaceful relations with otherstates, and respect for human dignity.

And this path is not America’s alone. It is opento all.To achieve these goals, the United States will:

  • champion aspirations for human dignity;
  • strengthen alliances to defeat globalterrorism and work to prevent attacksagainst us and our friends;
  • work with others to defuse regional conflicts;
  • prevent our enemies from threatening us,our allies, and our friends, with weapons ofmass destruction;
  • ignite a new era of global economic growththrough free markets and free trade;
  • expand the circle of development byopening societies and building theinfrastructure of democracy;
  • develop agendas for cooperative action withother main centers of global power; and
  • transform America’s national securityinstitutions to meet the challenges andopportunities of the twenty-first century.

II. Champion Aspirations for Human Dignity

"Some worry that it is somehow undiplomatic or impolite tospeak the language of right and wrong. I disagree. Different circumstancesrequire different methods, but not different moralities."

President Bush
West Point, New York
June 1, 2002

In pursuit of our goals, our first imperative isto clarify what we stand for: the United Statesmust defend liberty and justice because theseprinciples are right and true for all people everywhere.No nation owns these aspirations, and nonation is exempt from them. Fathers and mothersin all societies want their children to be educatedand to live free from poverty and violence. Nopeople on earth yearn to be oppressed, aspire toservitude, or eagerly await the midnight knock ofthe secret police.

America must stand firmly for the nonnegotiabledemands of human dignity: the rule of law;limits on the absolute power of the state; freespeech; freedom of worship; equal justice; respectfor women; religious and ethnic tolerance; andrespect for private property.

These demands can be met in many ways.America’s constitution has served us well.Many other nations, with different histories andcultures, facing different circumstances, havesuccessfully incorporated these core principlesinto their own systems of governance. History hasnot been kind to those nations which ignored orflouted the rights and aspirations of their people.

America’s experience as a great multi-ethnicdemocracy affirms our conviction that people ofmany heritages and faiths can live and prosper inpeace. Our own history is a long struggle to liveup to our ideals. But even in our worst moments,the principles enshrined in the Declaration ofIndependence were there to guide us. As a result,America is not just a stronger, but is a freer andmore just society.

Today, these ideals are a lifeline to lonelydefenders of liberty. And when openings arrive,we can encourage change—as we did in centraland eastern Europe between 1989 and 1991,or in Belgrade in 2000.When we see democraticprocesses take hold among our friends in Taiwanor in the Republic of Korea, and see electedleaders replace generals in Latin America andAfrica, we see examples of how authoritariansystems can evolve, marrying local history andtraditions with the principles we all cherish.

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Embodying lessons from our past and usingthe opportunity we have today, the national securitystrategy of the United States must start from thesecore beliefs and look outward for possibilities toexpand liberty.

Our principles will guide our government’sdecisions about international cooperation, thecharacter of our foreign assistance, and theallocation of resources. They will guide ouractions and our words in international bodies.

We will:

  • speak out honestly about violations of thenonnegotiable demands of human dignityusing our voice and vote in internationalinstitutions to advance freedom;
  • use our foreign aid to promote freedom andsupport those who struggle non-violentlyfor it, ensuring that nations moving towarddemocracy are rewarded for the steps they take;
  • make freedom and the development ofdemocratic institutions key themes in ourbilateral relations, seeking solidarity andcooperation from other democracies whilewe press governments that deny humanrights to move toward a better future; and
  • take special efforts to promote freedom ofreligion and conscience and defend it fromencroachment by repressive governments.

We will champion the cause of human dignityand oppose those who resist it.

III. Strengthen Alliances to DefeatGlobal Terrorism and Work to PreventAttacks Against Us and Our Friends

“Just three days removed from these events, Americans do not yet havethe distance of history. But our responsibility to history is already clear:to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil.War has beenwaged against us by stealth and deceit and murder. This nation is peaceful,but fierce when stirred to anger. The conflict was begun on the timing and termsof others. It will end in a way, and at an hour, of our choosing.”

President Bush
Washington, D.C. (The National Cathedral)
September 14, 2001

The United States of America is fightinga war against terrorists of global reach. Theenemy is not a single political regime or personor religion or ideology. The enemy is terrorism—premeditated, politically motivated violenceperpetrated against innocents.

In many regions, legitimate grievances preventthe emergence of a lasting peace. Such grievancesdeserve to be, and must be, addressed within apolitical process. But no cause justifies terror. TheUnited States will make no concessions to terroristdemands and strike no deals with them.We makeno distinction between terrorists and those whoknowingly harbor or provide aid to them.

The struggle against global terrorism is differentfrom any other war in our history. It will be foughton many fronts against a particularly elusiveenemy over an extended period of time. Progresswill come through the persistent accumulation ofsuccesses—some seen, some unseen.

Today our enemies have seen the results ofwhat civilized nations can, and will, do againstregimes that harbor, support, and use terrorism toachieve their political goals. Afghanistan has beenliberated; coalition forces continue to hunt downthe Taliban and al-Qaida. But it is not only thisbattlefield on which we will engage terrorists.Thousands of trained terrorists remain at largewith cells in North America, South America,Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and across Asia.

Our priority will be first to disrupt and destroyterrorist organizations of global reach and attacktheir leadership; command, control, and communications;material support; and finances. This willhave a disabling effect upon the terrorists’ abilityto plan and operate.

We will continue to encourage our regionalpartners to take up a coordinated effort thatisolates the terrorists. Once the regional campaignlocalizes the threat to a particular state, we willhelp ensure the state has the military, law enforcement,political, and financial tools necessary tofinish the task.

The United States will continue to work withour allies to disrupt the financing of terrorism.Wewill identify and block the sources of funding forterrorism, freeze the assets of terrorists and thosewho support them, deny terrorists access to theinternational financial system, protect legitimatecharities from being abused by terrorists, andprevent the movement of terrorists’ assets throughalternative financial networks.

However, this campaign need not be sequentialto be effective, the cumulative effect across allregions will help achieve the results we seek.We will disrupt and destroy terroristorganizations by:

  • direct and continuous action using all theelements of national and internationalpower. Our immediate focus will be thoseterrorist organizations of global reach andany terrorist or state sponsor of terrorismwhich attempts to gain or use weapons ofmass destruction (WMD) or their precursors;
  • defending the United States, the Americanpeople, and our interests at home andabroad by identifying and destroying thethreat before it reaches our borders.Whilethe United States will constantly strive toenlist the support of the internationalcommunity, we will not hesitate to act alone,if necessary, to exercise our right of selfdefenseby acting preemptively against suchterrorists, to prevent them from doing harmagainst our people and our country; and
  • denying further sponsorship, support,and sanctuary to terrorists by convincingor compelling states to accept theirsovereign responsibilities.We will also wage a war of ideas to win the battleagainst international terrorism. This includes:
  • using the full influence of the United States,and working closely with allies and friends,to make clear that all acts of terrorism areillegitimate so that terrorism will be viewedin the same light as slavery, piracy, orgenocide: behavior that no respectablegovernment can condone or support andall must oppose;
  • supporting moderate and moderngovernment, especially in the Muslimworld, to ensure that the conditions andideologies that promote terrorism do notfind fertile ground in any nation;
  • diminishing the underlying conditionsthat spawn terrorism by enlisting theinternational community to focus its effortsand resources on areas most at risk; and
  • using effective public diplomacy to promotethe free flow of information and ideas tokindle the hopes and aspirations of freedomof those in societies ruled by the sponsors ofglobal terrorism.

While we recognize that our best defense is agood offense, we are also strengthening America’shomeland security to protect against and deter attack.This Administration has proposed the largestgovernment reorganization since the TrumanAdministration created the National SecurityCouncil and the Department of Defense. Centeredon a new Department of Homeland Security andincluding a new unified military command and afundamental reordering of the FBI, our comprehensiveplan to secure the homeland encompassesevery level of government and the cooperationof the public and the private sector.

This strategy will turn adversity intoopportunity. For example, emergency managementsystems will be better able to cope not just withterrorism but with all hazards. Our medicalsystem will be strengthened to manage not justbioterror, but all infectious diseases andmass-casualty dangers. Our border controls willnot just stop terrorists, but improve the efficientmovement of legitimate traffic.

While our focus is protecting America, weknow that to defeat terrorism in today’s globalizedworld we need support from our allies andfriends.Wherever possible, the United States willrely on regional organizations and state powers tomeet their obligations to fight terrorism. Wheregovernments find the fight against terrorismbeyond their capacities, we will match theirwillpower and their resources with whatever helpwe and our allies can provide.

As we pursue the terrorists in Afghanistan,we will continue to work with internationalorganizations such as the United Nations, as wellas non-governmental organizations, and othercountries to provide the humanitarian, political,economic, and security assistance necessary torebuild Afghanistan so that it will never againabuse its people, threaten its neighbors, andprovide a haven for terrorists.

In the war against global terrorism, we willnever forget that we are ultimately fighting for ourdemocratic values and way of life. Freedom andfear are at war, and there will be no quick or easyend to this conflict. In leading the campaignagainst terrorism, we are forging new, productiveinternational relationships and redefining existingones in ways that meet the challenges of thetwenty-first century.

IV. Work with others to Defuse Regional Conflicts

"We build a world of justice, or we will live in a world of coercion.The magnitude of our shared responsibilities makes our disagreements look so small."

President Bush
Berlin, Germany
May 23, 2002

Concerned nations must remain activelyengaged in critical regional disputes to avoidexplosive escalation and minimize humansuffering. In an increasingly interconnected world,regional crisis can strain our alliances, rekindlerivalries among the major powers, and createhorrifying affronts to human dignity.Whenviolence erupts and states falter, the United Stateswill work with friends and partners to alleviatesuffering and restore stability.

No doctrine can anticipate every circumstancein which U.S. action—direct or indirect—iswarranted.We have finite political, economic, andmilitary resources to meet our global priorities.The United States will approach each case withthese strategic principles in mind:

  • The United States should invest time andresources into building international relationshipsand institutions that can helpmanage local crises when they emerge.
  • The United States should be realistic aboutits ability to help those who are unwilling orunready to help themselves.Where andwhen people are ready to do their part, wewill be willing to move decisively.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is criticalbecause of the toll of human suffering, because ofAmerica’s close relationship with the state of Israeland key Arab states, and because of that region’simportance to other global priorities of the UnitedStates. There can be no peace for either sidewithout freedom for both sides. America standscommitted to an independent and democraticPalestine, living beside Israel in peace and security.Like all other people, Palestinians deserve agovernment that serves their interests and listensto their voices. The United States will continueto encourage all parties to step up to their responsibilitiesas we seek a just and comprehensivesettlement to the conflict.

The United States, the international donorcommunity, and the World Bank stand ready towork with a reformed Palestinian government oneconomic development, increased humanitarianassistance, and a program to establish, finance,and monitor a truly independent judiciary. IfPalestinians embrace democracy, and the rule oflaw, confront corruption, and firmly reject terror,they can count on American support for thecreation of a Palestinian state.

Israel also has a large stake in the success of ademocratic Palestine. Permanent occupationthreatens Israel’s identity and democracy. So theUnited States continues to challenge Israeli leadersto take concrete steps to support the emergence ofa viable, credible Palestinian state. As there isprogress towards security, Israel forces need towithdraw fully to positions they held prior toSeptember 28, 2000. And consistent with therecommendations of the Mitchell Committee,Israeli settlement activity in the occupied territoriesmust stop. As violence subsides, freedom ofmovement should be restored, permitting innocentPalestinians to resume work and normal life.The United States can play a crucial role but,ultimately, lasting peace can only come whenIsraelis and Palestinians resolve the issues and endthe conflict between them.

In South Asia, the United States has alsoemphasized the need for India and Pakistan toresolve their disputes. This Administrationinvested time and resources building strongbilateral relations with India and Pakistan.These strong relations then gave us leverage toplay a constructive role when tensions in theregion became acute.With Pakistan, our bilateralrelations have been bolstered by Pakistan’s choiceto join the war against terror and move towardbuilding a more open and tolerant society. TheAdministration sees India’s potential to becomeone of the great democratic powers of the twentyfirstcentury and has worked hard to transformour relationship accordingly. Our involvement inthis regional dispute, building on earlier investmentsin bilateral relations, looks first to concretesteps by India and Pakistan that can help defusemilitary confrontation.

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Indonesia took courageous steps to create aworking democracy and respect for the rule of law.By tolerating ethnic minorities, respecting the ruleof law, and accepting open markets, Indonesia maybe able to employ the engine of opportunity thathas helped lift some of its neighbors out of povertyand desperation. It is the initiative by Indonesia thatallows U.S. assistance to make a difference.

In the Western Hemisphere we have formedflexible coalitions with countries that share ourpriorities, particularly Mexico, Brazil, Canada,Chile, and Colombia. Together we will promote atruly democratic hemisphere where our integrationadvances security, prosperity, opportunity,and hope.We will work with regional institutions,such as the Summit of the Americas process, theOrganization of American States (OAS), and theDefense Ministerial of the Americas for the benefitof the entire hemisphere.

Parts of Latin America confront regionalconflict, especially arising from the violence ofdrug cartels and their accomplices. This conflictand unrestrained narcotics trafficking couldimperil the health and security of the UnitedStates. Therefore we have developed an activestrategy to help the Andean nations adjust theireconomies, enforce their laws, defeat terroristorganizations, and cut off the supply of drugs,while—as important—we work to reduce thedemand for drugs in our own country.

In Colombia, we recognize the link betweenterrorist and extremist groups that challenge thesecurity of the state and drug trafficking activitiesthat help finance the operations of such groups.We are working to help Colombia defend itsdemocratic institutions and defeat illegal armedgroups of both the left and right by extendingeffective sovereignty over the entire nationalterritory and provide basic security to theColombian people.

In Africa, promise and opportunity sit side byside with disease, war, and desperate poverty. Thisthreatens both a core value of the United States—preserving human dignity—and our strategicpriority—combating global terror. Americaninterests and American principles, therefore, leadin the same direction: we will work with others foran African continent that lives in liberty, peace,and growing prosperity. Together with ourEuropean allies, we must help strengthen Africa’sfragile states, help build indigenous capability tosecure porous borders, and help build up the lawenforcement and intelligence infrastructure todeny havens for terrorists.

An ever more lethal environment exists inAfrica as local civil wars spread beyond borders tocreate regional war zones. Forming coalitions ofthe willing and cooperative security arrangementsare key to confronting these emerging transnationalthreats.

Africa’s great size and diversity requires asecurity strategy that focuses on bilateral engagementand builds coalitions of the willing. ThisAdministration will focus on three interlockingstrategies for the region:

  • countries with major impact on theirneighborhood such as South Africa, Nigeria,Kenya, and Ethiopia are anchors for regionalengagement and require focused attention;
  • coordination with European allies andinternational institutions is essential forconstructive conflict mediation andsuccessful peace operations; and
  • Africa’s capable reforming states andsub-regional organizations must be strengthenedas the primary means to addresstransnational threats on a sustained basis.

Ultimately the path of political and economicfreedom presents the surest route to progress insub-Saharan Africa, where most wars are conflictsover material resources and political access oftentragically waged on the basis of ethnic andreligious difference. The transition to the AfricanUnion with its stated commitment to goodgovernance and a common responsibility fordemocratic political systems offers opportunitiesto strengthen democracy on the continent.

V. Prevent Our Enemies from Threatening Us,Our Allies, and Our Friendswith Weapons of Mass Destruction

“The gravest danger to freedom lies at the crossroads of radicalism and technology.When the spread of chemical and biological and nuclear weapons,along with ballistic missile technology—when that occurs, even weak statesand small groups could attain a catastrophic power to strike great nations.Our enemies have declared this very intention, and have been caught seekingthese terrible weapons. They want the capability to blackmail us, or to harm us,or to harm our friends—and we will oppose them with all our power.”

President Bush
West Point, New York
June 1, 2002

The nature of the Cold War threat required theUnited States—with our allies and friends—toemphasize deterrence of the enemy’s use of force,producing a grim strategy of mutual assureddestruction.With the collapse of the Soviet Unionand the end of the Cold War, our security environmenthas undergone profound transformation.

Having moved from confrontation to cooperationas the hallmark of our relationship with Russia,the dividends are evident: an end to the balance ofterror that divided us; an historic reduction in thenuclear arsenals on both sides; and cooperation inareas such as counterterrorism and missile defensethat until recently were inconceivable.

But new deadly challenges have emerged fromrogue states and terrorists. None of these contemporarythreats rival the sheer destructive powerthat was arrayed against us by the Soviet Union.However, the nature and motivations of these newadversaries, their determination to obtain destructivepowers hitherto available only to the world’sstrongest states, and the greater likelihood thatthey will use weapons of mass destruction againstus, make today’s security environment morecomplex and dangerous.

In the 1990s we witnessed the emergence of asmall number of rogue states that, while differentin important ways, share a number of attributes.These states:

  • brutalize their own people and squandertheir national resources for the personal gainof the rulers;
  • display no regard for international law,threaten their neighbors, and callouslyviolate international treaties to which theyare party;
  • are determined to acquire weapons of massdestruction, along with other advancedmilitary technology, to be used as threats oroffensively to achieve the aggressive designsof these regimes;
  • sponsor terrorism around the globe; and
  • reject basic human values and hate the UnitedStates and everything for which it stands.

At the time of the Gulf War, we acquiredirrefutable proof that Iraq’s designs were notlimited to the chemical weapons it had usedagainst Iran and its own people, but also extendedto the acquisition of nuclear weapons and biologicalagents. In the past decade North Korea hasbecome the world’s principal purveyor of ballisticmissiles, and has tested increasingly capablemissiles while developing its own WMD arsenal.Other rogue regimes seek nuclear, biological, andchemical weapons as well. These states’ pursuit of,and global trade in, such weapons has become alooming threat to all nations.

We must be prepared to stop rogue states andtheir terrorist clients before they are able tothreaten or use weapons of mass destructionagainst the United States and our allies andfriends. Our response must take full advantage ofstrengthened alliances, the establishment of newpartnerships with former adversaries, innovationin the use of military forces, modern technologies,including the development of an effective missiledefense system, and increased emphasis onintelligence collection and analysis.

Our comprehensive strategy to combatWMD includes:

  • Proactive counterproliferation efforts. Wemust deter and defend against the threatbefore it is unleashed.We must ensure thatkey capabilities—detection, active andpassive defenses, and counterforcecapabilities—are integrated into our defensetransformation and our homeland securitysystems. Counterproliferation must also beintegrated into the doctrine, training, andequipping of our forces and those of ourallies to ensure that we can prevail in anyconflict with WMD-armed adversaries.
  • Strengthened nonproliferation efforts toprevent rogue states and terrorists fromacquiring the materials, technologies, andexpertise necessary for weapons of massdestruction. We will enhance diplomacy,arms control, multilateral export controls,and threat reduction assistance that impedestates and terrorists seeking WMD, andwhen necessary, interdict enabling technologiesand materials.We will continue to buildcoalitions to support these efforts, encouragingtheir increased political and financialsupport for nonproliferation and threatreduction programs. The recent G-8agreement to commit up to $20 billion to aglobal partnership against proliferationmarks a major step forward.
  • Effective consequence management to respondto the effects of WMD use, whether by terroristsor hostile states. Minimizing the effects ofWMD use against our people will help deterthose who possess such weapons anddissuade those who seek to acquire them bypersuading enemies that they cannot attaintheir desired ends. The United States mustalso be prepared to respond to the effects ofWMD use against our forces abroad, and tohelp friends and allies if they are attacked.

It has taken almost a decade for us tocomprehend the true nature of this new threat.Given the goals of rogue states and terrorists, theUnited States can no longer solely rely on a reactiveposture as we have in the past. The inabilityto deter a potential attacker, the immediacy oftoday’s threats, and the magnitude of potentialharm that could be caused by our adversaries’choice of weapons, do not permit that option.Wecannot let our enemies strike first.

In the Cold War, especially following theCuban missile crisis, we faced a generallystatus quo, risk-averse adversary. Deterrencewas an effective defense. But deterrencebased only upon the threat of retaliation isless likely to work against leaders of roguestates more willing to take risks, gamblingwith the lives of their people, and the wealthof their nations.

  • In the Cold War, weapons of mass destructionwere considered weapons of last resortwhose use risked the destruction of thosewho used them. Today, our enemies seeweapons of mass destruction as weapons ofchoice. For rogue states these weapons aretools of intimidation and military aggressionagainst their neighbors. These weapons mayalso allow these states to attempt to blackmailthe United States and our allies toprevent us from deterring or repelling theaggressive behavior of rogue states. Suchstates also see these weapons as their bestmeans of overcoming the conventionalsuperiority of the United States.
  • Traditional concepts of deterrence will notwork against a terrorist enemy whoseavowed tactics are wanton destruction andthe targeting of innocents; whose so-calledsoldiers seek martyrdom in death and whosemost potent protection is statelessness. Theoverlap between states that sponsor terror andthose that pursue WMD compels us to action.

For centuries, international law recognized thatnations need not suffer an attack before they canlawfully take action to defend themselves againstforces that present an imminent danger of attack.Legal scholars and international jurists oftenconditioned the legitimacy of preemption on theexistence of an imminent threat—most often avisible mobilization of armies, navies, and airforces preparing to attack.

We must adapt the concept of imminentthreat to the capabilities and objectives of today’sadversaries. Rogue states and terrorists do notseek to attack us using conventional means.They know such attacks would fail. Instead, theyrely on acts of terror and, potentially, the use ofweapons of mass destruction—weapons that canbe easily concealed, delivered covertly, and usedwithout warning.

The targets of these attacks are our militaryforces and our civilian population, in direct violationof one of the principal norms of the law ofwarfare. As was demonstrated by the losses onSeptember 11, 2001, mass civilian casualties is thespecific objective of terrorists and these losseswould be exponentially more severe if terroristsacquired and used weapons of mass destruction.

The United States has long maintained theoption of preemptive actions to counter a sufficientthreat to our national security. The greaterthe threat, the greater is the risk of inaction—and the more compelling the case for takinganticipatory action to defend ourselves, even ifuncertainty remains as to the time and place ofthe enemy’s attack. To forestall or prevent suchhostile acts by our adversaries, the United Stateswill, if necessary, act preemptively.

The United States will not use force in all casesto preempt emerging threats, nor should nationsuse preemption as a pretext for aggression. Yet inan age where the enemies of civilization openlyand actively seek the world’s most destructivetechnologies, the United States cannot remain idlewhile dangers gather.We will always proceed deliberately, weighingthe consequences of our actions. To supportpreemptive options, we will:

  • build better, more integrated intelligencecapabilities to provide timely, accurate informationon threats, wherever they may emerge;
  • coordinate closely with allies to form acommon assessment of the most dangerousthreats; and
  • continue to transform our military forces toensure our ability to conduct rapid andprecise operations to achieve decisive results.

The purpose of our actions will always be toeliminate a specific threat to the United States orour allies and friends. The reasons for our actionswill be clear, the force measured, and the cause just.

VI. Ignite a New Era of Global Economic Growth through Free Markets and Free Trade

"When nations close their markets and opportunity is hoarded by aprivileged few, no amount-no amount-of development aid is ever enough.When nations respect their people, open markets, invest in betterhealth and education, every dollar of aid, every dollar oftrade revenue and domestic capital is used more effectively."

President Bush
Monterrey, Mexico
March 22, 2002

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A strong world economy enhances our nationalsecurity by advancing prosperity and freedom inthe rest of the world. Economic growth supportedby free trade and free markets creates new jobsand higher incomes. It allows people to lift theirlives out of poverty, spurs economic and legalreform, and the fight against corruption, and itreinforces the habits of liberty.

We will promote economic growth andeconomic freedom beyond America’s shores. Allgovernments are responsible for creating theirown economic policies and responding to theirown economic challenges.We will use oureconomic engagement with other countries tounderscore the benefits of policies that generatehigher productivity and sustained economicgrowth, including:

  • pro-growth legal and regulatory policies toencourage business investment, innovation,and entrepreneurial activity;
  • tax policies—particularly lower marginal taxrates—that improve incentives for work andinvestment;
  • rule of law and intolerance of corruption sothat people are confident that they will beable to enjoy the fruits of their economicendeavors;
  • strong financial systems that allow capital tobe put to its most efficient use;
  • sound fiscal policies to support businessactivity;
  • investments in health and education thatimprove the well-being and skills of thelabor force and population as a whole; and
  • free trade that provides new avenues forgrowth and fosters the diffusion of technologiesand ideas that increase productivityand opportunity.
The lessons of history are clear: marketeconomies, not command-and-control economieswith the heavy hand of government, are the bestway to promote prosperity and reduce poverty.Policies that further strengthen market incentivesand market institutions are relevant for alleconomies—industrialized countries, emergingmarkets, and the developing world.

A return to strong economic growth in Europeand Japan is vital to U.S. national security interests.We want our allies to have strong economiesfor their own sake, for the sake of the globaleconomy, and for the sake of global security.European efforts to remove structural barriers intheir economies are particularly important in thisregard, as are Japan’s efforts to end deflation andaddress the problems of non-performing loans inthe Japanese banking system.We will continue touse our regular consultations with Japan and ourEuropean partners—including through the Groupof Seven (G-7)—to discuss policies they areadopting to promote growth in their economiesand support higher global economic growth.

Improving stability in emerging markets is alsokey to global economic growth. Internationalflows of investment capital are needed to expandthe productive potential of these economies. Theseflows allow emerging markets and developingcountries to make the investments that raise livingstandards and reduce poverty. Our long-termobjective should be a world in which all countrieshave investment-grade credit ratings that allowthem access to international capital markets andto invest in their future.

We are committed to policies that will helpemerging markets achieve access to larger capitalflows at lower cost. To this end, we will continueto pursue reforms aimed at reducing uncertaintyin financial markets.We will work actively withother countries, the International Monetary Fund(IMF), and the private sector to implement theG-7 Action Plan negotiated earlier this year forpreventing financial crises and more effectivelyresolving them when they occur.

The best way to deal with financial crises is toprevent them from occurring, and we haveencouraged the IMF to improve its efforts doingso.We will continue to work with the IMF tostreamline the policy conditions for its lendingand to focus its lending strategy on achievingeconomic growth through sound fiscal andmonetary policy, exchange rate policy, andfinancial sector policy.

The concept of "free trade" arose as a moralprinciple even before it became a pillar ofeconomics. If you can make something that othersvalue, you should be able to sell it to them. Ifothers make something that you value, you shouldbe able to buy it. This is real freedom, the freedomfor a person—or a nation—to make a living. Topromote free trade, the Unites States has developeda comprehensive strategy:

  • Seize the global initiative. The new globaltrade negotiations we helped launch at Dohain November 2001 will have an ambitiousagenda, especially in agriculture, manufacturing,and services, targeted for completionin 2005. The United States has led the way incompleting the accession of China and ademocratic Taiwan to the World TradeOrganization.We will assist Russia’spreparations to join the WTO.
  • Press regional initiatives. The United Statesand other democracies in the WesternHemisphere have agreed to create the FreeTrade Area of the Americas, targeted forcompletion in 2005. This year the UnitedStates will advocate market-access negotiationswith its partners, targeted onagriculture, industrial goods, services, investment,and government procurement.We willalso offer more opportunity to the poorestcontinent, Africa, starting with full use ofthe preferences allowed in the AfricanGrowth and Opportunity Act, and leadingto free trade.
  • Move ahead with bilateral free tradeagreements. Building on the free tradeagreement with Jordan enacted in 2001,the Administration will work this year tocomplete free trade agreements with Chileand Singapore. Our aim is to achieve freetrade agreements with a mix of developedand developing countries in all regions ofthe world. Initially, Central America,Southern Africa, Morocco, and Australia willbe our principal focal points.
  • Renew the executive-congressional partnership.Every administration’s trade strategydepends on a productive partnership withCongress. After a gap of 8 years, theAdministration reestablished majoritysupport in the Congress for trade liberalizationby passing Trade Promotion Authorityand the other market opening measures fordeveloping countries in the Trade Act of2002. This Administration will work withCongress to enact new bilateral, regional,and global trade agreements that will beconcluded under the recently passed TradePromotion Authority.
  • Promote the connection between trade anddevelopment. Trade policies can help developingcountries strengthen property rights,competition, the rule of law, investment, thespread of knowledge, open societies, the efficientallocation of resources, and regionalintegration—all leading to growth, opportunity,and confidence in developing countries.The United States is implementing TheAfrica Growth and Opportunity Act toprovide market-access for nearly all goodsproduced in the 35 countries of sub-Saharan Africa.We will make more use ofthis act and its equivalent for the CaribbeanBasin and continue to work with multilateraland regional institutions to help poorercountries take advantage of these opportunities.Beyond market access, the mostimportant area where trade intersects withpoverty is in public health.We will ensurethat the WTO intellectual property rules areflexible enough to allow developing nationsto gain access to critical medicines forextraordinary dangers like HIV/AIDS,tuberculosis, and malaria.
  • Enforce trade agreements and laws againstunfair practices. Commerce depends on therule of law; international trade depends onenforceable agreements. Our top prioritiesare to resolve ongoing disputes with theEuropean Union, Canada, and Mexico andto make a global effort to address new technology,science, and health regulations thatneedlessly impede farm exports andimproved agriculture. Laws against unfairtrade practices are often abused, but theinternational community must be able toaddress genuine concerns about governmentsubsidies and dumping. Internationalindustrial espionage which undermines faircompetition must be detected and deterred.
  • Help domestic industries and workers adjust.There is a sound statutory framework forthese transitional safeguards which we haveused in the agricultural sector and which weare using this year to help the American steelindustry. The benefits of free trade dependupon the enforcement of fair trading practices.These safeguards help ensure that thebenefits of free trade do not come at theexpense of American workers. Trade adjustmentassistance will help workers adapt tothe change and dynamism of open markets.
  • Protect the environment and workers. TheUnited States must foster economic growthin ways that will provide a better life alongwith widening prosperity.We will incorporatelabor and environmental concerns intoU.S. trade negotiations, creating a healthy“network” between multilateral environmentalagreements with the WTO, and usethe International Labor Organization, tradepreference programs, and trade talks toimprove working conditions in conjunctionwith freer trade.
  • Enhance energy security. We will strengthenour own energy security and the sharedprosperity of the global economy byworking with our allies, trading partners,and energy producers to expand the sourcesand types of global energy supplied, especiallyin the Western Hemisphere, Africa,Central Asia, and the Caspian region.Wewill also continue to work with our partnersto develop cleaner and more energy efficienttechnologies.

Economic growth should be accompanied byglobal efforts to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrationsassociated with this growth, containingthem at a level that prevents dangerous humaninterference with the global climate. Our overallobjective is to reduce America’s greenhouse gasemissions relative to the size of our economy,cutting such emissions per unit of economicactivity by 18 percent over the next 10 years, bythe year 2012. Our strategies for attaining this goalwill be to:

  • remain committed to the basic U.N.Framework Convention for internationalcooperation;
  • obtain agreements with key industries to cutemissions of some of the most potentgreenhouse gases and give transferablecredits to companies that can show real cuts;
  • develop improved standards for measuringand registering emission reductions;
  • promote renewable energy production andclean coal technology, as well as nuclearpower—which produces no greenhouse gasemissions, while also improving fueleconomy for U.S. cars and trucks;
  • increase spending on research and newconservation technologies, to a total of$4.5 billion—the largest sum being spent onclimate change by any country in the worldand a $700 million increase over last year’sbudget; and
  • assist developing countries, especially themajor greenhouse gas emitters such as Chinaand India, so that they will have the toolsand resources to join this effort and be ableto grow along a cleaner and better path.

VII. Expand the Circle of Development by Opening Societies and Building the Infrastructure of Democracy

"In World War II we fought to make the world safer, then worked to rebuild it.As we wage war today to keep the world safe from terror,we must also work to make the world a better place for all its citizens."

President Bush
Washington, D.C. (Inter-American Development Bank)
March 14, 2002

A world where some live in comfort andplenty, while half of the human race lives on lessthan $2 a day, is neither just nor stable. Includingall of the world’s poor in an expanding circle ofdevelopment—and opportunity—is a moralimperative and one of the top priorities of policy.

Decades of massive development assistancehave failed to spur economic growth in thepoorest countries.Worse, development aid hasoften served to prop up failed policies, relievingthe pressure for reform and perpetuating misery.Results of aid are typically measured in dollarsspent by donors, not in the rates of growth andpoverty reduction achieved by recipients. Theseare the indicators of a failed strategy.

Working with other nations, the United Statesis confronting this failure.We forged a newconsensus at the U.N. Conference on Financingfor Development in Monterrey that the objectivesof assistance—and the strategies to achieve thoseobjectives—must change.

This Administration’s goal is to help unleashthe productive potential of individuals in allnations. Sustained growth and poverty reductionis impossible without the right national policies.Where governments have implemented real policychanges, we will provide significant new levels ofassistance. The United States and other developedcountries should set an ambitious and specifictarget: to double the size of the world’s pooresteconomies within a decade.

The United States Government will pursuethese major strategies to achieve this goal:

  • Provide resources to aid countries that havemet the challenge of national reform. Wepropose a 50 percent increase in the coredevelopment assistance given by the UnitedStates.While continuing our presentprograms, including humanitarian assistancebased on need alone, these billions of newdollars will form a new MillenniumChallenge Account for projects in countrieswhose governments rule justly, invest intheir people, and encourage economicfreedom. Governments must fight corruption,respect basic human rights, embracethe rule of law, invest in health care andeducation, follow responsible economicpolicies, and enable entrepreneurship. TheMillennium Challenge Account will rewardcountries that have demonstrated real policychange and challenge those that have not toimplement reforms.
  • Improve the effectiveness of the World Bankand other development banks in raising livingstandards. The United States is committed toa comprehensive reform agenda for makingthe World Bank and the other multilateraldevelopment banks more effective inimproving the lives of the world’s poor.Wehave reversed the downward trend in U.S.contributions and proposed an 18 percentincrease in the U.S. contributions to theInternational Development Association(IDA)—the World Bank’s fund for thepoorest countries—and the AfricanDevelopment Fund. The key to raising livingstandards and reducing poverty around theworld is increasing productivity growth,especially in the poorest countries.We willcontinue to press the multilateral developmentbanks to focus on activities thatincrease economic productivity, such asimprovements in education, health, rule oflaw, and private sector development. Everyproject, every loan, every grant must bejudged by how much it will increaseproductivity growth in developing countries.
  • Insist upon measurable results to ensure thatdevelopment assistance is actually making adifference in the lives of the world’s poor.When it comes to economic development,what really matters is that more children aregetting a better education, more people haveaccess to health care and clean water, ormore workers can find jobs to make a betterfuture for their families.We have a moralobligation to measure the success of ourdevelopment assistance by whether it isdelivering results. For this reason, we willcontinue to demand that our own developmentassistance as well as assistance from themultilateral development banks has measurablegoals and concrete benchmarks forachieving those goals. Thanks to U.S.leadership, the recent IDA replenishmentagreement will establish a monitoring andevaluation system that measures recipientcountries’ progress. For the first time,donors can link a portion of their contributionsto IDA to the achievement of actualdevelopment results, and part of the U.S.contribution is linked in this way.We willstrive to make sure that the World Bank andother multilateral development banks buildon this progress so that a focus on results isan integral part of everything that theseinstitutions do.
  • Increase the amount of development assistancethat is provided in the form of grants insteadof loans. Greater use of results-based grantsis the best way to help poor countries makeproductive investments, particularly in thesocial sectors, without saddling them withever-larger debt burdens. As a result ofU.S. leadership, the recent IDA agreementprovided for significant increases in grantfunding for the poorest countries for education,HIV/AIDS, health, nutrition, water,sanitation, and other human needs. Our goalis to build on that progress by increasing theuse of grants at the other multilateraldevelopment banks.We will also challengeuniversities, nonprofits, and the privatesector to match government efforts by usinggrants to support development projects thatshow results.
  • Open societies to commerce and investment.Trade and investment are the real engines ofeconomic growth. Even if government aidincreases, most money for developmentmust come from trade, domestic capital, andforeign investment. An effective strategymust try to expand these flows as well. Freemarkets and free trade are key priorities ofour national security strategy.
  • Secure public health. The scale of the publichealth crisis in poor countries is enormous.In countries afflicted by epidemics andpandemics like HIV/AIDS, malaria, andtuberculosis, growth and development willbe threatened until these scourges can becontained. Resources from the developedworld are necessary but will be effective onlywith honest governance, which supportsprevention programs and provides effectivelocal infrastructure. The United States hasstrongly backed the new global fund forHIV/AIDS organized by U.N. SecretaryGeneral Kofi Annan and its focus oncombining prevention with a broad strategyfor treatment and care. The United Statesalready contributes more than twice as muchmoney to such efforts as the next largestdonor. If the global fund demonstrates itspromise, we will be ready to give even more.
  • Emphasize education. Literacy and learningare the foundation of democracy and development.Only about 7 percent of WorldBank resources are devoted to education.This proportion should grow. The UnitedStates will increase its own funding foreducation assistance by at least 20 percentwith an emphasis on improving basic educationand teacher training in Africa. TheUnited States can also bring informationtechnology to these societies, many of whoseeducation systems have been devastated byHIV/AIDS.
  • Continue to aid agricultural development.New technologies, including biotechnology,have enormous potential to improve cropyields in developing countries while usingfewer pesticides and less water. Using soundscience, the United States should help bringthese benefits to the 800 million people,including 300 million children, who stillsuffer from hunger and malnutrition.

VIII. Develop Agendas for Cooperative Actionwith the Other Main Centers of Global Power

“We have our best chance since the rise of the nation-state in the 17th centuryto build a world where the great powers compete in peace instead of prepare for war.”

President Bush
West Point, New York
June 1, 2002

America will implement its strategies byorganizing coalitions—as broad as practicable—of states able and willing to promote a balance ofpower that favors freedom. Effective coalitionleadership requires clear priorities, an appreciationof others’ interests, and consistent consultationsamong partners with a spirit of humility.

There is little of lasting consequence that theUnited States can accomplish in the world withoutthe sustained cooperation of its allies and friendsin Canada and Europe. Europe is also the seat oftwo of the strongest and most able internationalinstitutions in the world: the North Atlantic TreatyOrganization (NATO), which has, since its inception,been the fulcrum of transatlantic andinter-European security, and the European Union(EU), our partner in opening world trade.

The attacks of September 11 were also anattack on NATO, as NATO itself recognized whenit invoked its Article V self-defense clause for thefirst time. NATO’s core mission—collectivedefense of the transatlantic alliance of democracies—remains, but NATO must develop newstructures and capabilities to carry out thatmission under new circumstances. NATO mustbuild a capability to field, at short notice, highlymobile, specially trained forces whenever they areneeded to respond to a threat against any memberof the alliance.

The alliance must be able to act wherever ourinterests are threatened, creating coalitions underNATO’s own mandate, as well as contributing tomission-based coalitions. To achieve this, we must:

  • expand NATO’s membership to thosedemocratic nations willing and able to sharethe burden of defending and advancing ourcommon interests;
  • ensure that the military forces of NATOnations have appropriate combatcontributions to make in coalition warfare;
  • develop planning processes to enablethose contributions to become effectivemultinational fighting forces;
  • take advantage of the technological opportunitiesand economies of scale in our defensespending to transform NATO military forcesso that they dominate potential aggressorsand diminish our vulnerabilities;
  • streamline and increase the flexibilityof command structures to meet newoperational demands and the associatedrequirements of training, integrating,and experimenting with new forceconfigurations; and
  • maintain the ability to work and fighttogether as allies even as we take thenecessary steps to transform and modernizeour forces.

If NATO succeeds in enacting these changes,the rewards will be a partnership as central to thesecurity and interests of its member states as wasthe case during the Cold War.We will sustain acommon perspective on the threats to our societiesand improve our ability to take commonaction in defense of our nations and their interests.At the same time, we welcome our Europeanallies’ efforts to forge a greater foreign policy anddefense identity with the EU, and commitourselves to close consultations to ensure thatthese developments work with NATO.We cannotafford to lose this opportunity to better preparethe family of transatlantic democracies for thechallenges to come.

The attacks of September 11 energizedAmerica’s Asian alliances. Australia invoked theANZUS Treaty to declare the September 11 was anattack on Australia itself, following that historicdecision with the dispatch of some of the world’sfinest combat forces for Operation EnduringFreedom. Japan and the Republic of Koreaprovided unprecedented levels of militarylogistical support within weeks of the terroristattack.We have deepened cooperation on counterterrorismwith our alliance partners in Thailandand the Philippines and received invaluableassistance from close friends like Singapore andNew Zealand.

The war against terrorism has proven thatAmerica’s alliances in Asia not only underpinregional peace and stability, but are flexible andready to deal with new challenges. To enhance ourAsian alliances and friendships, we will:

  • look to Japan to continue forging a leadingrole in regional and global affairs based onour common interests, our common values,and our close defense and diplomaticcooperation;
  • work with South Korea to maintain vigilancetowards the North while preparing ouralliance to make contributions to thebroader stability of the region over thelonger term;
  • build on 50 years of U.S.-Australian alliancecooperation as we continue workingtogether to resolve regional and globalproblems—as we have so many times fromthe Battle of the Coral Sea to Tora Bora;
  • maintain forces in the region that reflectour commitments to our allies, our requirements,our technological advances, and thestrategic environment; and
  • build on stability provided by these alliances,as well as with institutions such as ASEANand the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperationforum, to develop a mix of regional andbilateral strategies to manage change in thisdynamic region.

We are attentive to the possible renewal of oldpatterns of great power competition. Severalpotential great powers are now in the midst ofinternal transition—most importantly Russia,India, and China. In all three cases, recent developmentshave encouraged our hope that a trulyglobal consensus about basic principles is slowlytaking shape.

With Russia, we are already building a newstrategic relationship based on a central reality ofthe twenty-first century: the United States andRussia are no longer strategic adversaries. TheMoscow Treaty on Strategic Reductions isemblematic of this new reality and reflects a criticalchange in Russian thinking that promises tolead to productive, long-term relations with theEuro-Atlantic community and the United States.Russia’s top leaders have a realistic assessment oftheir country’s current weakness and thepolicies—internal and external—needed to reversethose weaknesses. They understand, increasingly,that Cold War approaches do not serve theirnational interests and that Russian and Americanstrategic interests overlap in many areas.

United States policy seeks to use this turn inRussian thinking to refocus our relationship onemerging and potential common interests andchallenges.We are broadening our already extensivecooperation in the global war on terrorism.We are facilitating Russia’s entry into the WorldTrade Organization, without lowering standardsfor accession, to promote beneficial bilateral tradeand investment relations.We have created theNATO-Russia Council with the goal of deepeningsecurity cooperation among Russia, our Europeanallies, and ourselves.We will continue to bolsterthe independence and stability of the states of theformer Soviet Union in the belief that a prosperousand stable neighborhood will reinforceRussia’s growing commitment to integration intothe Euro-Atlantic community.

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At the same time, we are realistic about thedifferences that still divide us from Russia andabout the time and effort it will take to build anenduring strategic partnership. Lingering distrustof our motives and policies by key Russian elitesslows improvement in our relations. Russia’suneven commitment to the basic values offree-market democracy and dubious record incombating the proliferation of weapons of massdestruction remain matters of great concern.Russia’s very weakness limits the opportunitiesfor cooperation. Nevertheless, those opportunitiesare vastly greater now than in recent years—oreven decades.

The United States has undertaken a transformationin its bilateral relationship with Indiabased on a conviction that U.S. interests require astrong relationship with India.We are the twolargest democracies, committed to politicalfreedom protected by representative government.India is moving toward greater economic freedomas well.We have a common interest in the freeflow of commerce, including through the vital sealanes of the Indian Ocean. Finally, we share aninterest in fighting terrorism and in creating astrategically stable Asia.

Differences remain, including over the developmentof India’s nuclear and missile programs, andthe pace of India’s economic reforms. But while inthe past these concerns may have dominated ourthinking about India, today we start with a viewof India as a growing world power with which wehave common strategic interests. Through astrong partnership with India, we can best addressany differences and shape a dynamic future.

The United States relationship with China isan important part of our strategy to promote astable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia-Pacificregion.We welcome the emergence of a strong,peaceful, and prosperous China. The democraticdevelopment of China is crucial to that future. Yet,a quarter century after beginning the process ofshedding the worst features of the Communistlegacy, China’s leaders have not yet made the nextseries of fundamental choices about the characterof their state. In pursuing advanced militarycapabilities that can threaten its neighbors in theAsia-Pacific region, China is following an outdatedpath that, in the end, will hamper its own pursuitof national greatness. In time, China will find thatsocial and political freedom is the only source ofthat greatness.

The United States seeks a constructive relationshipwith a changing China.We already cooperatewell where our interests overlap, including thecurrent war on terrorism and in promotingstability on the Korean peninsula. Likewise, wehave coordinated on the future of Afghanistanand have initiated a comprehensive dialogue oncounterterrorism and similar transitionalconcerns. Shared health and environmentalthreats, such as the spread of HIV/AIDS, challengeus to promote jointly the welfare of our citizens.

Addressing these transnational threats will challenge China to become more open withinformation, promote the development of civilsociety, and enhance individual human rights.China has begun to take the road to politicalopenness, permitting many personal freedoms andconducting village-level elections, yet remainsstrongly committed to national one-party rule bythe Communist Party. To make that nation trulyaccountable to its citizen’s needs and aspirations,however, much work remains to be done. Only byallowing the Chinese people to think, assemble,and worship freely can China reach its full potential.

Our important trade relationship will benefitfrom China’s entry into the World TradeOrganization, which will create more exportopportunities and ultimately more jobs forAmerican farmers, workers, and companies. Chinais our fourth largest trading partner, with over$100 billion in annual two-way trade. The powerof market principles and the WTO’s requirementsfor transparency and accountability will advanceopenness and the rule of law in China to helpestablish basic protections for commerce and forcitizens. There are, however, other areas in whichwe have profound disagreements. Our commitmentto the self-defense of Taiwan under the TaiwanRelations Act is one. Human rights is another.Weexpect China to adhere to its nonproliferationcommitments.We will work to narrow differenceswhere they exist, but not allow them to precludecooperation where we agree.

The events of September 11, 2001, fundamentallychanged the context for relations between theUnited States and other main centers of globalpower, and opened vast, new opportunities.Withour long-standing allies in Europe and Asia, andwith leaders in Russia, India, and China, we mustdevelop active agendas of cooperation lest theserelationships become routine and unproductive.

Every agency of the United States Governmentshares the challenge.We can build fruitful habitsof consultation, quiet argument, sober analysis,and common action. In the long-term, these arethe practices that will sustain the supremacy ofour common principles and keep open the pathof progress.

IX. Transform America's National Security Institutions to Meet the Challenges and Opportunities of the Twenty-First Century

"Terrorists attacked a symbol of American prosperity.They did not touch its source. America is successful because of thehard work, creativity, and enterprise of our people."

President Bush
Washington, D.C. (Joint Session of Congress)
September 20, 2001

The major institutions of American nationalsecurity were designed in a different era to meetdifferent requirements. All of them must betransformed.

It is time to reaffirm the essential role ofAmerican military strength.We must build andmaintain our defenses beyond challenge. Ourmilitary’s highest priority is to defend the UnitedStates. To do so effectively, our military must:

  • assure our allies and friends;
  • dissuade future military competition;
  • deter threats against U.S. interests, allies, andfriends; and
  • decisively defeat any adversary if deterrencefails.

The unparalleled strength of the United Statesarmed forces, and their forward presence, havemaintained the peace in some of the world’s moststrategically vital regions. However, the threats andenemies we must confront have changed, and somust our forces. A military structured to determassive Cold War-era armies must be transformedto focus more on how an adversary might fightrather than where and when a war might occur.We will channel our energies to overcome a hostof operational challenges.

The presence of American forces overseas isone of the most profound symbols of the U.S.commitments to allies and friends. Through ourwillingness to use force in our own defense and indefense of others, the United States demonstratesits resolve to maintain a balance of power thatfavors freedom. To contend with uncertainty andto meet the many security challenges we face, theUnited States will require bases and stationswithin and beyond Western Europe and NortheastAsia, as well as temporary access arrangements forthe long-distance deployment of U.S. forces.

Before the war in Afghanistan, that area waslow on the list of major planning contingencies.Yet, in a very short time, we had to operate acrossthe length and breadth of that remote nation,using every branch of the armed forces.We mustprepare for more such deployments by developingassets such as advanced remote sensing,long-range precision strike capabilities, andtransformed maneuver and expeditionary forces.This broad portfolio of military capabilities mustalso include the ability to defend the homeland,conduct information operations, ensure U.S.access to distant theaters, and protect criticalU.S. infrastructure and assets in outer space.

Innovation within the armed forces will rest onexperimentation with new approaches to warfare,strengthening joint operations, exploiting U.S.intelligence advantages, and taking full advantageof science and technology.We must also transformthe way the Department of Defense is run,especially in financial management and recruitmentand retention. Finally, while maintainingnear-term readiness and the ability to fight thewar on terrorism, the goal must be to provide thePresident with a wider range of military optionsto discourage aggression or any form of coercionagainst the United States, our allies, and our friends.

We know from history that deterrence can fail;and we know from experience that some enemiescannot be deterred. The United States must andwill maintain the capability to defeat any attemptby an enemy—whether a state or non-stateactor—to impose its will on the United States, ourallies, or our friends.We will maintain the forcessufficient to support our obligations, and todefend freedom. Our forces will be strong enoughto dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing amilitary build-up in hopes of surpassing, orequaling, the power of the United States.

Intelligence—and how we use it—is our firstline of defense against terrorists and the threatposed by hostile states. Designed around thepriority of gathering enormous information abouta massive, fixed object—the Soviet bloc—theintelligence community is coping with thechallenge of following a far more complex andelusive set of targets.

We must transform our intelligence capabilitiesand build new ones to keep pace with the natureof these threats. Intelligence must be appropriatelyintegrated with our defense and law enforcementsystems and coordinated with our allies andfriends.We need to protect the capabilities wehave so that we do not arm our enemies with theknowledge of how best to surprise us. Those whowould harm us also seek the benefit of surprise tolimit our prevention and response options and tomaximize injury.

We must strengthen intelligence warning andanalysis to provide integrated threat assessmentsfor national and homeland security. Since thethreats inspired by foreign governments andgroups may be conducted inside the United States,we must also ensure the proper fusion of informationbetween intelligence and law enforcement.

Initiatives in this area will include:

  • strengthening the authority of the Directorof Central Intelligence to lead the developmentand actions of the Nation’s foreignintelligence capabilities;
  • establishing a new framework for intelligencewarning that provides seamless andintegrated warning across the spectrum ofthreats facing the nation and our allies;
  • continuing to develop new methods ofcollecting information to sustain ourintelligence advantage;
  • investing in future capabilities while workingto protect them through a more vigorouseffort to prevent the compromise of intelligencecapabilities; and
  • collecting intelligence against the terroristdanger across the government with allsourceanalysis.

As the United States Government relies on thearmed forces to defend America’s interests, it mustrely on diplomacy to interact with other nations.We will ensure that the Department of Statereceives funding sufficient to ensure the success ofAmerican diplomacy. The State Department takesthe lead in managing our bilateral relationshipswith other governments. And in this new era, itspeople and institutions must be able to interactequally adroitly with non-governmental organizationsand international institutions. Officialstrained mainly in international politics mustalso extend their reach to understand complexissues of domestic governance around theworld, including public health, education, lawenforcement, the judiciary, and public diplomacy.

Our diplomats serve at the front line ofcomplex negotiations, civil wars, and otherhumanitarian catastrophes. As humanitarianrelief requirements are better understood, wemust also be able to help build police forces,court systems, and legal codes, local and provincialgovernment institutions, and electoralsystems. Effective international cooperation isneeded to accomplish these goals, backed byAmerican readiness to play our part.

Just as our diplomatic institutions must adaptso that we can reach out to others, we also need adifferent and more comprehensive approach topublic information efforts that can help peoplearound the world learn about and understandAmerica. The war on terrorism is not a clash ofcivilizations. It does, however, reveal the clashinside a civilization, a battle for the future of theMuslim world. This is a struggle of ideas and thisis an area where America must excel.

We will take the actions necessary to ensurethat our efforts to meet our global securitycommitments and protect Americans are notimpaired by the potential for investigations,inquiry, or prosecution by the InternationalCriminal Court (ICC), whose jurisdiction doesnot extend to Americans and which we do notaccept.We will work together with other nationsto avoid complications in our military operationsand cooperation, through such mechanisms asmultilateral and bilateral agreements that willprotect U.S. nationals from the ICC.We willimplement fully the American ServicemembersProtection Act, whose provisions are intended toensure and enhance the protection of U.S.personnel and officials.

We will make hard choices in the coming yearand beyond to ensure the right level and allocationof government spending on national security.The United States Government must strengthenits defenses to win this war. At home, our mostimportant priority is to protect the homeland forthe American people.

Today, the distinction between domestic andforeign affairs is diminishing. In a globalizedworld, events beyond America’s borders have agreater impact inside them. Our society must beopen to people, ideas, and goods from across theglobe. The characteristics we most cherish—ourfreedom, our cities, our systems of movement, andmodern life—are vulnerable to terrorism. Thisvulnerability will persist long after we bring tojustice those responsible for the September 11attacks. As time passes, individuals may gainaccess to means of destruction that until nowcould be wielded only by armies, fleets, andsquadrons. This is a new condition of life.Wewill adjust to it and thrive—in spite of it.

(Video) US National Security Strategy: China says it opposes Cold War mentality and zero-sum games

In exercising our leadership, we will respect thevalues, judgment, and interests of our friends andpartners. Still, we will be prepared to act apartwhen our interests and unique responsibilitiesrequire.When we disagree on particulars, we willexplain forthrightly the grounds for our concernsand strive to forge viable alternatives.We will notallow such disagreements to obscure our determinationto secure together, with our allies andour friends, our shared fundamental interestsand values.

Ultimately, the foundation of Americanstrength is at home. It is in the skills of ourpeople, the dynamism of our economy, and theresilience of our institutions. A diverse, modernsociety has inherent, ambitious, entrepreneurialenergy. Our strength comes from what we dowith that energy. That is where our nationalsecurity begins.

The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (6)


What is the current US National Security Strategy? ›

We will: 1) invest in the underlying sources and tools of American power and influence; 2) build the strongest possible coalition of nations to enhance our collective influence to shape the global strategic environment and to solve shared challenges; and 3) modernize and strengthen our military so it is equipped for ...

What is the National Security Strategy 2022? ›

The 2022 NDS sets the Department's strategic direction and priorities for the Joint Force, identifying how the U.S. military will meet growing threats to U.S. national security interests and to a stable and open international system.

What is national security answer in brief? ›

The ability of a state to cater to the protection and defence of its citizens is known as 'national security'. The goal of national security is to ensure the protection of the nation's fundamental and enduring needs: protect the lives and safety of Indians and maintain the sovereignty of the nation.

What are the threats to national security answer? ›

The threats to national security are: Terrorism: It is the biggest threat to a nation because the main victim of terrorism is the common people and the children. Naxalism: It is an internal threat caused due to rebellious groups within a nation. Even they disrupt the normalcy of the nation.

What is the main purpose of the national security? ›

As stated, the goal of the national security strategy is to ensure the protection of our nation's fundamental and enduring needs: protect the lives and safety of Americans; maintain the sovereignty of the United States, with its values, institutions and territory intact; and provide for the prosperity of the nation and ...

When was the last National Security Strategy? ›

On October 12, 2022, the Biden Administration sent its classified National Security Strategy to Congress.

What are the five 5 key points to be considered before implementing security strategy? ›

5 Components to a Proactive Security Strategy
  • #1: Get visibility of all your assets. ...
  • #2: Leverage modern and intelligent technology. ...
  • #3: Connect your security solutions. ...
  • #4: Adopt comprehensive and consistent training methods. ...
  • #5: Implement response procedures to mitigate risk.
1 Nov 2018

How often is the national security strategy produced? ›

The NSS has been transmitted annually since 1987, but frequently reports come in late or not at all. The NSS is to be sent from the President to Congress in order to communicate the executive branch's national security vision to the legislative branch.

What is an example of national security? ›

National security encompasses the national defense, foreign intelligence and counterintelligence, international and internal security, and foreign relations.

What are the 7 elements of national security? ›

  • Military security.
  • Economic security.
  • Resource security.
  • Border Security.
  • Demographic security.
  • Disaster security.
  • Energy security.
  • Geostrategic security.

What is the national security called? ›

The National Security Agency/Central Security Service (NSA/CSS) leads the U.S. Government in cryptology that encompasses both signals intelligence (SIGINT) insights and cybersecurity products and services and enables computer network operations to gain a decisive advantage for the nation and our allies.

What are three main security issues? ›

7 common network security issues
  • 1) Internal security threats. Over 90% of cyberattacks are caused by human error. ...
  • 2) Distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks. ...
  • 3) Rogue security software. ...
  • 4) Malware. ...
  • 5) Ransomware. ...
  • 6) Phishing attacks. ...
  • 7) Viruses.

What are the factors affecting national security? ›

National security threats can be further broken down into groups.
  • Hostile Governments. Some national security threats come from foreign governments with hostile intentions. ...
  • Terrorism. ...
  • Proliferation. ...
  • Cybercrime. ...
  • Natural Disasters and Diseases. ...
  • How Disease Disrupts. ...
  • Protecting Against Disease. ...
  • Botulinum Toxin.
3 Sept 2020

What can cause damage to national security? ›

Examples of “exceptionally grave damage” include armed hostilities against the United States or its allies; disruption of foreign relations vitally affecting the national security; the compromise of vital national defense plans or complex cryptologic and communications intelligence systems; the revelation of sensitive ...

What are the benefits of national security? ›

It protects us by maintaining effective arm forces, using counterintelligence service or secret police to protect the nation from internal threat, implementing civil defense and emergency preparedness measures. It is really effective because as we are experiencing I can say that it helps our country's safety.

Who is responsible for national security? ›

The elected government of any nation has the responsibility to ensure the management of the security sector is in line with democratic best practices and the provision of security as a public good. Governments also bear the political responsibility for the activities of the security sector.

Was the National Security Act successful? ›

The mission was a disaster, with most of the attackers either killed or captured in a short time. Though it had both successes and failures, the National Security Act indicated just how seriously the U.S. government took the Cold War threat.

Who creates National Security Strategy? ›

The NDS is prepared by the Office of the Secretary of Defense and is to be published every four years. The report outlines how the Department of Defense will contribute to achieving NSS objectives in order to maintain security and prosperity worldwide.

Is National Security Act still in force? ›

The National Security Act of 1980 is an act of the Indian Parliament promulgated on 23 September 1980 whose purpose is "to provide for preventive detention in certain cases and for matters connected therewith". The act extends to the whole of India.

What are the 3 main security management strategies? ›

Security management can come in various different forms. Three common types of security management strategies include information, network, and cyber security management.

What is the primary objective of a security strategy? ›

The purpose of a strategic plan for security is to provide management with the necessary information to make informed decisions about investment in security. The strategic plan links the security function with the business direction.

What is a security strategy and why is IT needed? ›

Security strategy and transformation refers to the establishment of a security strategy based on the client's business strategy, which ensures that the information systems within the client organization are safe and secure from any intrusion that would cause damages to the organization.

What national strategy means? ›

National Strategies or Action Plans are strategic plans designed by governments to guide action, and often the allocation of resources, over a specified period of time and towards the fulfilment of a policy objective.

Is the National Security Strategy classified? ›

Each national security strategy report shall be transmitted to Congress in classified form, but may include an unclassified summary.

What are the five elements of national security? ›

These are:
  • Human security.
  • Oversight and accountability.
  • Human rights.
  • Justice.
  • Gender.
  • Monitoring.
  • Coordination.
  • Communications.

What crimes are against national security? ›

Crimes are classified into crimes against national security (such as treason, espionage and piracy), crimes against the fundamental laws of the state (rebellion, coup d'état, sedition and public disorders), crimes against public interest (counterfeiting of currency, falsification of public documents), crimes against ...

How do you write a security strategy? ›

How To Develop & Plan An Effective Cyber Security Strategy
  1. Conduct A Security Risk Assessment.
  2. Set Your Security Goals.
  3. Evaluate Your Technology.
  4. Select A Security Framework.
  5. Review Security Policies.
  6. Create A Risk Management Plan.
  7. Implement Your Security Strategy.
  8. Evaluate Your Security Strategy.

What is national security policy? ›

Articulates Pakistan's national security vision, interests, and priorities while providing a detailed implementation framework. Comprehensive National Security.

What are the security strategies? ›

A Security Strategy is a document prepared periodically which outlines the major security concerns of a country or organisation and outlines plans to deal with them.

What is the most common type of security threat? ›

Insider threats

This is one of the most common types of security threats. It usually occurs when employees intentionally or unintentionally misuse authorized access in a way that affects the organization's system negatively.

What is the most common cause of security? ›

Phishing is still the leading cause of security incidents.

What type of prevention can be implemented to reduce or stop security threats? ›

Firewalls are another essential tool in defending networks against security threats. A firewall can help prevent unauthorized access to a network by blocking incoming traffic from untrusted sources. Additionally, firewalls can be configured to allow only certain types of traffic, such as web traffic or email.

What are the two types of threats to national security? ›

National Security Threat List
  • Terrorism. This issue concerns foreign power-sponsored or foreign power-coordinated activities that: ...
  • Espionage. ...
  • Proliferation. ...
  • Economic Espionage. ...
  • Targeting the National Information Infrastructure. ...
  • Targeting the U.S. Government. ...
  • Perception Management. ...
  • Foreign Intelligence Activities.

What is a national security issue? ›

Originally conceived as protection against military attack, national security is widely understood to include also non-military dimensions, including the security from terrorism, minimization of crime, economic security, energy security, environmental security, food security, and cyber-security.

How does security affect economy? ›

Economic security is a cornerstone of well-being. Economic stability and some degree of predictability enable people to plan and invest in their future and that of their children. They encourage innovation, reinforce social connections and build trust in others and in institutions.

What three things did the national security Act do? ›

An Act To promote the national security by providing for a Secretary of Defense; for a National Military Establishment; for a Department of the Army, a Department of the Navy, and a Department of the Air Force; and for the coordination of the activities of the National Military Establishment with other departments and ...

What is Biden's security initiative? ›

Establish a Cybersecurity Safety Review Board. Create a Standard Playbook for Responding to Cyber Incidents. Improve Detection of Cybersecurity Incidents on Federal Government Networks. Improve Investigative and Remediation Capabilities.

What are the four pillars in the National Security Strategy? ›

Four vital, national interests—organized as the strategy's four pillars—form the backbone of this commitment:
  • Protect the homeland, the American people, and the American way of life.
  • Promote American prosperity.
  • Preserve peace through strength.
  • Advance American influence.
18 Dec 2017

What is Biden's new Medicare plan? ›

But what is Biden's plan for healthcare? Biden has said that his plan will insure more than 97% of Americans by introducing a Medicare-like public option for individuals and families. He also says his plan will strengthen the Affordable Care Act (ACA) by increasing marketplace subsidies.

What is the Biden administration doing about cyber security? ›

Through the President's Executive Order on Improving the Nation's Cybersecurity, issued in May 2021, President Biden raised the bar for all Federal Government systems by requiring impactful cybersecurity steps, such as multifactor authentication.

What is Biden's economic plan? ›

The economic policy of the Joe Biden administration, colloquially named Bidenomics, is characterized by relief measures and vaccination efforts to address the COVID-19 pandemic, investments in infrastructure, and strengthening the safety net, funded by tax increases on higher-income individuals and corporations.

What makes a good security strategy? ›

A security policy is of no use to an organization or the individuals within an organization if they cannot implement the guidelines or regulations within the policy. It should be concise, clearly written and as detailed as possible in order to provide the information necessary to implement the regulation.

What is a security strategy plan? ›

A security strategy is thus an important document which details out series of steps necessary for an organization to identify, remediate and manage risks while staying complaint. An effective security strategy is comprehensive and dynamic, with the elasticity to respond to any type of security threat.

How often is the National Security Strategy released? ›

The NSS has been transmitted annually since 1987, but frequently reports come in late or not at all. The NSS is to be sent from the President to Congress in order to communicate the executive branch's national security vision to the legislative branch.

What are the laws on national security? ›

The National Security Act of 1980 is an act of the Indian Parliament promulgated on 23 September 1980 whose purpose is "to provide for preventive detention in certain cases and for matters connected therewith". The act extends to the whole of India. It Contains 18 sections.

What are the 5 forms of security? ›

There are four main types of security: debt securities, equity securities, derivative securities, and hybrid securities, which are a combination of debt and equity.


1. The Biden Administration’s National Security Strategy
(Middle East Institute)
2. Trump's national security strategy | IN 60 SECONDS
(American Enterprise Institute)
3. Perspectives on the 2018 U.S. National Security Strategy
(Center for Strategic & International Studies)
4. A Conversation with National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan
(Center for a New American Security (CNAS))
5. Formulating National Security Strategy
(Center for Strategic & International Studies)
6. The National Security Strategy of 2017 and the Future of American Grand Strategy
(Mershon Center)
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